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Discriminatory behaviors in access to goods and the provision of services, and especially those provided as such in the Organic Law for the effective equality of women and men. “

The ninth indication of article 200 of the Public Limited Companies Law is modified, the consolidated text approved by Royal Legislative Decree 1564/1989, of December 22, which is drawn up in the following terms:

«The average number of people employed in the course of the year, expressed by categories, as well as the personnel expenses that refer to the year, distributed as provided in article 189, section A.3, when they are not thus entered in the account of Profit and loss.

The distribution by sex at the end of the exercise of the company’s personnel, broken down into a sufficient number of categories and levels, which will include senior managers and directors. “

A new article 2 bis is added to Law 16/1983, of October 24, creating the Institute for Women, in the following terms:

«Article 2 bis. In addition to those attributed in the previous article and other regulations in force, the Institute for Women will exercise, independently, the following functions:

a) the provision of assistance to victims of discrimination to process their claims of discrimination;

c) the publication of reports and the formulation of recommendations on any matter related to discrimination. “

The Institute for Women will be the competent body in the Kingdom of Spain for the purposes of the provisions of article 8 bis of Directive 76/207, of February 9, 1976, as amended by Directive 2002/73, of the European Parliament and of the Council, of September 23, 2002, on the application of the principle of equal treatment between men and women with regard to access to employment, training and professional promotion, and working conditions and in the Article 12 of Directive 2004/113, of the Council, of December 13, 2004, on the application of the principle of equal treatment between men and women in access to goods and services and their supply.

A new third additional provision is added to Law 5/1984, of March 26, regulating the right to asylum and refugee status, in the following terms:

The provisions of section 1 of article 3 shall apply to foreign women who flee their countries of origin due to a well-founded fear of suffering persecution on the basis of gender.

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2) All inmates must have the possibility of providing themselves with potable water when they need it.

21. 1) An inmate who is not engaged in outdoor work shall have, if time permits, at least one hour a day of adequate physical exercise in the open air. 2) Young inmates and others whose age and physical condition allow it, will receive physical and recreational education during the period reserved for exercise. For this, the land, facilities and necessary equipment will be made available to them.

22. 1) Every penitentiary establishment will have at least the services of a qualified doctor who must possess some psychiatric knowledge. Medical services should be organized closely linked to the general administration of the health service of the community or the nation. They must include a psychiatric service for the diagnosis and, if necessary, for the treatment of cases of mental illness. 2) The transfer of patients whose condition requires special care will be arranged to specialized penitentiary establishments or civil hospitals. When the establishment has internal hospital services, these will be provided with the material, instruments and pharmaceutical products necessary to provide sick inmates with adequate care and treatment. In addition, the staff must have sufficient professional training. 3) Every inmate must be able to use the services of a qualified dentist.

23. 1) There should be special facilities for the treatment of pregnant inmates, those who have just given birth and those who are convalescing. As far as possible, arrangements will be made for the delivery to take place in a civil hospital. If the child is born in the establishment, this fact should not be recorded on his or her birth certificate. 2) When imprisoned mothers are allowed to keep their child, provisions should be made to organize a nursery, with qualified personnel, where the children will be when they are not cared for by their mothers.

24. The doctor must examine each prisoner as soon as possible after admission and subsequently as often as necessary, in particular to determine the existence of a physical or mental illness, take the necessary measures if necessary; ensure the isolation of prisoners suspected of suffering from infectious or contagious diseases; identify physical and mental deficiencies that may constitute an obstacle to rehabilitation, and determine the physical capacity of each prisoner for work.

25. 1) The doctor will ensure the physical and mental health of the inmates.

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20 “. (9)

1. For the purposes of recruitment to regional jobs, possession of the qualification requirements and any particular qualifications or professional specializations prescribed for the appointment to the various functional qualifications, according to the provisions of article 4 of the regional law January 15 1986, n. 6, must be understood as absorbed by the possession of the qualification prescribed by the same provisions for access to higher functional qualifications.

2. The provision referred to in the first paragraph does not apply to competitions for professional profiles for which the possession of driving licenses, qualifications or specific qualification qualifying for professional practice is required.

3. Similarly, the interpretative rule referred to in the previous first paragraph must be understood as applicable for the appointments to the various functional qualifications resulting from the approval of the rankings of the competitions completed pursuant to regional law 22 April 1987, n. 20. (21)

SERRI (P.C.I.). Amendment number 1 reintroduces part of the provision already contained in Article 4 which has been deleted in the Commission. I would like to remind my colleagues that on this article there was no relief from the Government, despite the long series of remarks that the Government wished to bring to the attention of the Council on this law. We are presenting this amendment because it seems absolutely essential to us; it concerns an open dispute with other administrative bodies, but above all it concerns a competition already completed, already concluded by the regional administration which cannot be completed by hiring the winners as most of them, and also the suitable ones, do not are in possession of the particular qualification required.

The amendment verbatim provides that the possession of the qualification required for access to the functional qualification higher than the one in which the profile of “archive clerk”, to which the competition in question refers, is included, absorbs the particular professional qualifications required for this job.

It seems to us that this amendment of ours is sufficient to overcome a contingent difficulty; On the other hand, the amendment proposed by the Executive Council does not seem acceptable, which traces the entire old article 4, for a substantial reason: the amendment of the Executive Committee does not seek to resolve this particular situation, it instead introduces a general amendment of the legislation concerning access to regional roles. In essence, the amendment of the Executive Council, through the authentic interpretation of article 4 of law number 6 of 1986, permanently modifies the requirements for access to regional roles. Therefore, it is a permanent rule, our amendment instead tends to resolve this particular situation and concerns competitions already completed, for which the Region is very late.

As regards the content of the amendment of the Executive, we believe that it should be deferred to a more general regulation where we will deal with access to regional roles.

PRESIDENT. The Honorable Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region has the right to speak to express the opinion of the Executive.

MULAS FRANCO (D.C.), Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region. The Executive does not accept amendment number 1.

MULAS FRANCO (D.C.), Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region. It is given as illustrated.

PUBUSA (P.C.I.). Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I want to speak briefly on this amendment number 9 because, if I have not misinterpreted it in the Commission and if I do not misinterpret it now, I believe that it is an emblematic amendment of the way in which this Council and this Councilor pursue in a conscious and therefore malicious way, the aim of upsetting the regional administration.

Take heed! Amendment number 9 is not so much aimed at solving the specific problem from which it drew the moves, that is, the problem of a competition that has taken place and which for various issues that it would take too long to illustrate here cannot be completed, being able to carry out the appointments.

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20 “. (9)

1. For the purposes of recruitment to regional jobs, possession of the qualification requirements and any particular qualifications or professional specializations prescribed for the appointment to the various functional qualifications, according to the provisions of article 4 of the regional law January 15 1986, n. 6, must be understood as absorbed by the possession of the qualification prescribed by the same provisions for access to higher functional qualifications.

2. The provision referred to in the first paragraph does not apply to competitions for professional profiles for which the possession of driving licenses, qualifications or specific qualification qualifying for professional practice is required.

3. Similarly, the interpretative rule referred to in the previous first paragraph must be understood as applicable for the appointments to the various functional qualifications resulting from the approval of the rankings of the competitions completed pursuant to regional law 22 April 1987, n. 20. (21)

SERRI (P.C.I.). Amendment number 1 reintroduces part of the provision already contained in Article 4 which has been deleted in the Commission. I would like to remind my colleagues that on this article there was no relief from the Government, despite the long series of remarks that the Government wished to bring to the attention of the Council on this law. We are presenting this amendment because it seems absolutely essential to us; it concerns an open dispute with other administrative bodies, but above all it concerns a competition already completed, already concluded by the regional administration which cannot be completed by hiring the winners as most of them, and also the suitable ones, do not are in possession of the particular qualification required.

The amendment verbatim provides that the possession of the qualification required for access to the functional qualification higher than the one in which the profile of “archive clerk”, to which the competition in question refers, is included, absorbs the particular professional qualifications required for this job.

It seems to us that this amendment of ours is sufficient to overcome a contingent difficulty; On the other hand, the amendment proposed by the Executive Council does not seem acceptable, which traces the entire old article 4, for a substantial reason: the amendment of the Executive Committee does not seek to resolve this particular situation, it instead introduces a general amendment of the legislation concerning access to regional roles. In essence, the amendment of the Executive Council, through the authentic interpretation of article 4 of law number 6 of 1986, permanently modifies the requirements for access to regional roles. Therefore, it is a permanent rule, our amendment instead tends to resolve this particular situation and concerns competitions already completed, for which the Region is very late.

As regards the content of the amendment of the Executive, we believe that it should be deferred to a more general regulation where we will deal with access to regional roles.

PRESIDENT. The Honorable Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region has the right to speak to express the opinion of the Executive.

MULAS FRANCO (D.C.), Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region. The Executive does not accept amendment number 1.

MULAS FRANCO (D.C.), Councilor for general affairs, personnel and reform of the Region. It is given as illustrated.

PUBUSA (P.C.I.). Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I want to speak briefly on this amendment number 9 because, if I have not misinterpreted it in the Commission and if I do not misinterpret it now, I believe that it is an emblematic amendment of the way in which this Council and this Councilor pursue in a conscious and therefore malicious way, the aim of upsetting the regional administration.

Take heed! Amendment number 9 is not so much aimed at solving the specific problem from which it drew the moves, that is, the problem of a competition that has taken place and which for various issues that it would take too long to illustrate here cannot be completed, being able to carry out the appointments.

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In this sense, the experiences we conduct online are increasingly an indissoluble part of our daily life (Paccagnella and Vellar, 2016) and as such can only reflect more and more faithfully the forms and dynamics. It is therefore not too surprising that even the data that emerged in this research do not describe a separate reality in which gender identities “escape” or, on the contrary, “confirm” traditional stereotypes. These data, in other words, do not seem to offer clear confirmation of the hypothesis that the identities and gender representations expressed on the net are to some extent more modern, reflective or emancipated. Rather, they reproduce a great variety and complexity, where not even the display of one’s material resources or one’s physical attractiveness seem more reliable indicators than a representation of this kind linked to tradition.

Of course, this research suffers from some limitations. Firstly, it was an exploratory study conducted on a relatively small sample, extracted with non-probabilistic criteria that limit the possibility of generalizing the results. This has to do with a problem of enormous importance, the consequences of which are destined to increase if we are not able to quickly implement effective solutions to stem it: namely the fact that more and more sociologists and social scientists find themselves at studying realities and social processes that take place in proprietary online environments. In other words, the commercial companies that manage the dating platforms considered here have control over a huge and growing body of data of inestimable sociological importance: not only the data relating to all profiles, but also their changes and their evolution over time (what and how is “corrected” in a profile after the first months of use?), interactions, signals of appreciation (“like”, “little hearts”, etc.), photographs (including those inserted and then deleted later), the messages with their responses, the elements on the basis of which people attract or repel each other and much more. All this information is, as a whole, owned by the trading company that operates the platform and is not disclosed to independent researchers. This has entailed heavy methodological limitations in the construction of the sample of this research, limitations which are however only the tip of the iceberg that we do not yet fully realize.

Alongside this basic “structural” problem, some other minor choices have somehow influenced the results. The decision to explicitly exclude from the analysis the profiles of homosexual people, for example, has prevented us from assessing whether and how the ways of presenting gender are actually changing to different degrees based on sexual orientation, so much so that recent research has highlighted that sometimes gay men construct their identities by following the traditional canons of the heterosexual male (decisive, strong and virile) even more than heterosexual men themselves (Walker and Eller, 2016).

Furthermore, the choice to focus the analysis on the textual data describing the profiles has led to the exclusion of some of the dating platforms that have been more successful in recent years (such as Tinder), which are based instead, rather than on the reflective construction of the profile , on the mutual appreciation of the respective photographs and on the geographical proximity thanks to the implementation on mobile devices. Some researches (Hobbs et al., 2017) report that the user experience of these mobile and geolocated platforms is different from that of the users of the web-based platforms considered in this study, and therefore their possible inclusion in future research could provide new interesting elements.

Finally, a drastic choice was to limit the analysis to profile descriptions only, thus excluding any interaction between users. In this way, it was possible to limit ourselves to a non-participating and non-reactive observation. It remains clear, however, that a more complete study, possibly also conducted with the aid of more sophisticated techniques (for example, speech analysis) can only come by taking into consideration the ways and processes through which people interact with each other. they approach, recognize each other, develop affinities or dislikes, get closer or leave over time. Q

does online dating work? Of course, In the event An individual Do The item Right

In this sense, the experiences we conduct online are increasingly an indissoluble part of our daily life (Paccagnella and Vellar, 2016) and as such can only reflect more and more faithfully the forms and dynamics. It is therefore not too surprising that even the data that emerged in this research do not describe a separate reality in which gender identities “escape” or, on the contrary, “confirm” traditional stereotypes. These data, in other words, do not seem to offer clear confirmation of the hypothesis that the identities and gender representations expressed on the net are to some extent more modern, reflective or emancipated. Rather, they reproduce a great variety and complexity, where not even the display of one’s material resources or one’s physical attractiveness seem more reliable indicators than a representation of this kind linked to tradition.

Of course, this research suffers from some limitations. Firstly, it was an exploratory study conducted on a relatively small sample, extracted with non-probabilistic criteria that limit the possibility of generalizing the results. This has to do with a problem of enormous importance, the consequences of which are destined to increase if we are not able to quickly implement effective solutions to stem it: namely the fact that more and more sociologists and social scientists find themselves at studying realities and social processes that take place in proprietary online environments. In other words, the commercial companies that manage the dating platforms considered here have control over a huge and growing body of data of inestimable sociological importance: not only the data relating to all profiles, but also their changes and their evolution over time (what and how is “corrected” in a profile after the first months of use?), interactions, signals of appreciation (“like”, “little hearts”, etc.), photographs (including those inserted and then deleted later), the messages with their responses, the elements on the basis of which people attract or repel each other and much more. All this information is, as a whole, owned by the trading company that operates the platform and is not disclosed to independent researchers. This has entailed heavy methodological limitations in the construction of the sample of this research, limitations which are however only the tip of the iceberg that we do not yet fully realize.

Alongside this basic “structural” problem, some other minor choices have somehow influenced the results. The decision to explicitly exclude from the analysis the profiles of homosexual people, for example, has prevented us from assessing whether and how the ways of presenting gender are actually changing to different degrees based on sexual orientation, so much so that recent research has highlighted that sometimes gay men construct their identities by following the traditional canons of the heterosexual male (decisive, strong and virile) even more than heterosexual men themselves (Walker and Eller, 2016).

Furthermore, the choice to focus the analysis on the textual data describing the profiles has led to the exclusion of some of the dating platforms that have been more successful in recent years (such as Tinder), which are based instead, rather than on the reflective construction of the profile , on the mutual appreciation of the respective photographs and on the geographical proximity thanks to the implementation on mobile devices. Some researches (Hobbs et al., 2017) report that the user experience of these mobile and geolocated platforms is different from that of the users of the web-based platforms considered in this study, and therefore their possible inclusion in future research could provide new interesting elements.

Finally, a drastic choice was to limit the analysis to profile descriptions only, thus excluding any interaction between users. In this way, it was possible to limit ourselves to a non-participating and non-reactive observation. It remains clear, however, that a more complete study, possibly also conducted with the aid of more sophisticated techniques (for example, speech analysis) can only come by taking into consideration the ways and processes through which people interact with each other. they approach, recognize each other, develop affinities or dislikes, get closer or leave over time. Q

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I believe, without exaggerating and without forcing, that the issue of the reform of the Region and the question of personnel are among the issues with respect to which perhaps this contradiction is recorded to a greater extent; I would perhaps say that this is an emblematic, paradigmatic case: on the one hand there is an emphasis, there are expressed declarations of a will to achieve, on the other and at the same time there is an activity that is not only not realizing, not only not reforming but it goes exactly and consciously in the opposite direction. I believe I can say, even here without forcing, without polemical accentuations that the law we are discussing today is the clearest example of this contradiction.

I believe, ladies and gentlemen, that many of the ideas that were put forward in the 1970s and 1980s on the reform of the region, on the subject of institutional reform, must be questioned and critically evaluated. There is no doubt that problems such as that of programming or those of the reform of the Region must be critically examined if it is true, as it is true, that for 15-20 years we have indicated in the ascending and descending programming processes, in the participatory programming processes the optimal way of acting of the public administration in general and of the institutions in general and of the regional institution in particular, while we have not succeeded, overall we have not succeeded, in achieving anything appreciable or anything close to the identified models. We will have to make a similar reflection on the issues of reform, if it is true as it is true that for years it has been said in this chamber, and outside this chamber, that the Region must be a planning body and a body of legislation and address not an administrative body, while not only has no law ever passed in which effective proxies are available, has never proceeded to a delegation of functions, has never proceeded to move a function or power from the Departments to the levels of the minor local government, but it has even continued in a clear, clear, even if disordered way, to recruit in the regional roles personnel who perform functions or who should perform functions that must surely be allocated at the level of local authorities.

On this I want to say a very clear word: perhaps on the part of some, and indeed certainly on the part of some, there was an exaggeration in believing that the Region should only be a body of legislation and planning; it was exaggerated when it was said that only these should be the functions, only this should be the role of the Regions and it was denied that the Region should have an administrative function. I believe that those who have said these things many times did not do it in bad faith; I believe that he did it mostly because he overheard ideas heard or read without understanding their exact content because he wanted to obtain an easy consensus in some debate. There is no doubt that the Region, in addition to the function of legislation and planning, must also perform administrative functions; there is no doubt that the constitutional texts or the Statute itself, which is a constitutional text, give more than a foothold in this direction. While not wanting to fall into that extremist and simplistic thesis which neglectively repeats that the Region must only be a body of legislation and planning, there is no doubt, however, that in the current situation we are practicing the opposite extremism; we are moving and we have always moved, the institution has moved, in a totally opposite direction, in a direction in which the Region not only performs the function of legislation, but above all plays an administrative function.

Indeed, if we want to be honest with ourselves and seriously examine the legislative activity that the Council carries out, we will realize that we call this activity legislative because we give it the form of law, but in most cases it is administrative activity; it is a question of measures most of the time even ad personam, a typically administrative activity and not proper to the legislative one.

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I believe, without exaggerating and without forcing, that the issue of the reform of the Region and the question of personnel are among the issues with respect to which perhaps this contradiction is recorded to a greater extent; I would perhaps say that this is an emblematic, paradigmatic case: on the one hand there is an emphasis, there are expressed declarations of a will to achieve, on the other and at the same time there is an activity that is not only not realizing, not only not reforming but it goes exactly and consciously in the opposite direction. I believe I can say, even here without forcing, without polemical accentuations that the law we are discussing today is the clearest example of this contradiction.

I believe, ladies and gentlemen, that many of the ideas that were put forward in the 1970s and 1980s on the reform of the region, on the subject of institutional reform, must be questioned and critically evaluated. There is no doubt that problems such as that of programming or those of the reform of the Region must be critically examined if it is true, as it is true, that for 15-20 years we have indicated in the ascending and descending programming processes, in the participatory programming processes the optimal way of acting of the public administration in general and of the institutions in general and of the regional institution in particular, while we have not succeeded, overall we have not succeeded, in achieving anything appreciable or anything close to the identified models. We will have to make a similar reflection on the issues of reform, if it is true as it is true that for years it has been said in this chamber, and outside this chamber, that the Region must be a planning body and a body of legislation and address not an administrative body, while not only has no law ever passed in which effective proxies are available, has never proceeded to a delegation of functions, has never proceeded to move a function or power from the Departments to the levels of the minor local government, but it has even continued in a clear, clear, even if disordered way, to recruit in the regional roles personnel who perform functions or who should perform functions that must surely be allocated at the level of local authorities.

On this I want to say a very clear word: perhaps on the part of some, and indeed certainly on the part of some, there was an exaggeration in believing that the Region should only be a body of legislation and planning; it was exaggerated when it was said that only these should be the functions, only this should be the role of the Regions and it was denied that the Region should have an administrative function. I believe that those who have said these things many times did not do it in bad faith; I believe that he did it mostly because he overheard ideas heard or read without understanding their exact content because he wanted to obtain an easy consensus in some debate. There is no doubt that the Region, in addition to the function of legislation and planning, must also perform administrative functions; there is no doubt that the constitutional texts or the Statute itself, which is a constitutional text, give more than a foothold in this direction. While not wanting to fall into that extremist and simplistic thesis which neglectively repeats that the Region must only be a body of legislation and planning, there is no doubt, however, that in the current situation we are practicing the opposite extremism; we are moving and we have always moved, the institution has moved, in a totally opposite direction, in a direction in which the Region not only performs the function of legislation, but above all plays an administrative function.

Indeed, if we want to be honest with ourselves and seriously examine the legislative activity that the Council carries out, we will realize that we call this activity legislative because we give it the form of law, but in most cases it is administrative activity; it is a question of measures most of the time even ad personam, a typically administrative activity and not proper to the legislative one.

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. I will be voting in favor of the amendment not because I disagree on measures to alleviate unemployment in some way, but because I would have preferred Article 11 to be headed differently, for example “commitments to solve unemployment”. And that’s that. Here there is an evident nostalgia for the extraordinary work plan, only that it is certainly insufficiently formulated and cannot possibly give answers if not to a small part of those unemployed and unemployed who are currently growing and spreading in our Sardinia.

I agree with the colleagues who preceded me, “Sardinia made beautiful” is a beautiful sentence but sincerely chosen to hide the true meaning of the intervention; what changes from the interventions that the municipalities made with the “37”? Anything! The municipalities used the funds of the “37” to clean rural roads and internal roads, that is all those reasons why paragraph 1 of article 11 rightly charges the figures that will go small to satisfy very few, since the 75 million euros, as you said, overall, they represent about 150 billion lire. Even the wording is a bit vague, my colleague Vargiu preceded me on the inconsistency that exists from paragraph 2 to paragraph 3, so I don’t repeat myself; but by cleaning the countryside we mean cleaning rural roads, we mean cleaning municipal sites and state-owned lands, woods, which ones? It is not clear, because if this were the case, there would be few municipalities that could benefit from it and, in any case, given the figure, the municipalities that could take advantage of these loans that are nothing more than a formula capable of covering to a small extent by now that unease that is continuing to create with unemployment and inemployment that currently, whatever is said, is worsening.

So, agree on the intervention for unemployment, but certainly not on the title “Sardinia made beautiful”. Sardinia is already beautiful, it is up to us to respect it, in certain ways we are trying to do it, perhaps a little too fundamentally, but in certain other ways we are the same as we have kept it. It was enough to say: “temporary interventions for precarious employment”, in fact this is what you want to say.

. Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, as my comrades and other center-left representatives have repeated this evening as well, I think that for work, precariousness and poverty, we can never do enough. The Work Plan was an interesting hypothesis and, where it has been correctly applied, has yielded results. I have always maintained here that I can cite concrete data having been for a long time the local administrator of a small town in central Sardinia, I also launch a challenge to prove the contrary. Of course, where this extraordinary plan for work has not been correctly applied and has been used to make sidewalks it has not created basically stable employment, however, mind you, in my municipality, twelve construction companies with forty jobs and other stable jobs. they could not have been created without the extraordinary plan for work.

There is no doubt that, in order to have active employment policies and to be able to think about drastically reducing unemployment on our island, there must be a regional development plan that frames, in an overall strategy, the policies to create jobs and employment. We, of Rifondazione Comunista, work for stability in work, we work to transform precariat into stabilized jobs, we work so that the unemployed can have the possibility of work, even if for short periods or for a year, we then think of introducing struggles that allow these unemployed to work for two years, then three years after which they can be stabilized.

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For example, it would interest me to know which acts this council, the councilor for the reform of the region, the councilor for local authorities are preparing to implement the reform law of the local government, which ideas they intend to instill in these acts. The truth is that there is nothing of all this; that is, we are completely off topic: we are not debating or discussing, each according to their own position with a role of criticism or consensus, of an activity that is part of what is on the agenda in reforming activity, in the institutional activity; here we are debating things that are completely outside, of things that are absolutely independent, of things in which there is not even the distant inkling of the reform just implemented and of the commitments it places on the Region.

One last consideration, given that other colleagues of my Group registered to speak will enter the merits of the individual articles. The other element that we strongly criticize is that of wanting to unite in a single provision different measures, different disciplines. I cite the example of the foresters: ever since the law was approved in the previous legislature, when I presided over the first Commission, there was a more or less generalized agreement on the need to enlarge the contingent of this body; on this point, therefore, there is a consensus on the part of political forces that comes from afar and that it is right to continue. However, we are proposed a legislation that tends to make right things and deeply wrong things walk in the same wagon, upsetting things, risking, why not say it, risking to make this wagon too large, full of abnormal things, this provision contains principles and abnormal provisions, ends up by making measures on which all the political forces are in agreement and which do not present particular problems, not even from the point of view of government control, run aground in the meshes of the government postponement.

Why not make a more correct policy by accompanying each law with a precise content and ensuring that if the measures have different content they proceed separately? Instead, one prefers to resort to all-encompassing measures in which everything must be put, what is right and what is unjust, and indeed they are made so all-encompassing precisely because it is necessary to load onto this wagon above all what is unjust and what is alone. unpresentable. This is reality! Everything is loaded into these wagons, Mr Mulas, because there are things that alone would be unpresentable, they must therefore be hidden among others that may be right and on which the consent of the political forces is clear.

With respect to this we can only express the clearest criticism; we can only express our clearest opposition by inviting the Executive to submit to this Chamber, finally, to begin presenting the reform proposals to this Chamber, to this Council. Not proposals that change everything in one fell swoop if the commissioner Mulas can’t change anything, on the contrary, he goes back, let’s imagine if he can change everything in a single moment! But at least measures that tell us that we are starting to go in the right direction, that tell us that we are on the subject; here, on the other hand, we are completely off topic and therefore it is evident that a provision that maintains these characteristics will only meet the firm opposition of the P.C.I.

BARRANU (P.C.I.). I will speak President, Council colleagues, briefly. Colleague Pubusa has already explained the position of the Communist Group on this provision and the judgment on the text that arrived in the Chamber; we know, however, from reading the amendments that have been distributed, that its configuration should change significantly in its articulation. Even if it would be right, after a few days and weeks of tiring work by the Commissions and the Chamber, to avoid taking this council session further in which other challenging issues will have to be addressed, it seems necessary not to let the opportunity for discussion pass. of this provision without initiating and deepening the debate on issues relating to the regional administration, the organization of the Region. B.